Climate Policy after Copenhagen

Climate Policy after Copenhagen

Climate Policy after Copenhagen

At the UN Climate Negotiations in Copenhagen, 117 heads of state concluded that low-carbon development is necessary in order to combat climate change. However, they could not agree on emission targets. At least one of the reasons why they could not agree is that low-carbon development is challenging because it requires the implementation of a portfolio of policies and programs. This book examines one the policies at the heart of attempts to create a low-carbon future: the European Emission Trading Scheme. It explores problems surrounding the implementation of such schemes, including the role of vested interests, the impact of subtle design details, and opportunities to attract long-term investments. It also shows how international climate cooperation can be designed to support the domestic implementation of policies for low-carbon development. This timely analysis of carbon pricing contains important lessons for all those concerned with the development of post-Copenhagen climate policy.

Global Environmental Politics

Global Environmental Politics

Global Environmental Politics

Global Environmental Politics provides a fully up to date and comprehensive introduction to the most important issues dominating this fast moving field. Going beyond the issue of climate change, the textbook also introduces students to the pressing issues of desertification, trade in hazardous waste, biodiversity protection, whaling, acid rain, ozone-depletion, water consumption, and over-fishing. . Importantly, the authors pay particular attention to the interactions between environmental politics and other governance issues, such as gender, trade, development, health, agriculture, and security.

Climate Change and the Nation State

Climate Change and the Nation State

Climate Change and the Nation State

"This book has its origins in a growing sense of alarm, of frustration, and of futility. As international efforts to reduce emissions have failed repeatedly to meet their targets, even as warnings by experts about the existential dangers of climate change and the need for haste have grown, I developed a stronger and stronger sense of the comparative irrelevance of most of the issues on which I have been working in the areas of international relations and security studies. A revelatory moment came when I was researching the growing tension between the USA and China over the Chinese military occupation of reefs and sandbanks in the South China Sea. I suddenly realised that as a long-term issue these places will be meaningless for both sides: because if nations, and China and the USA above all, fail to take action to limit climate change, then by the end of this century rising sea levels and intensified typhoons will have put the sources of these tensions under water again. The rush of Western security establishments towards a "new cold war" with China and Russia (and new US threats of war with Iran) provided an additional impetus to write this book; for in all the innumerable articles and essays on this subject, hardly one has mentioned the destructive effects of hostility between China and the West on international co-operation against climate change"--

International Aspects of Climate Change

International Aspects of Climate Change

International Aspects of Climate Change


Forests and Climate Change After Copenhagen

Forests and Climate Change After Copenhagen

Forests and Climate Change After Copenhagen

Following Copenhagen, forestry stakeholders have raised many questions about the meaning of COP15 for people, forests, and forestry. FAO and RECOFTC recently brought together 12 experts in Bali to debate the issues and provide answers to a dozen key questions.

The International Climate Regime and Its Driving Forces Obstacles and Chances on the Way to a Global Response to the Problem of Climate Change

The International Climate Regime and Its Driving Forces  Obstacles and Chances on the Way to a Global Response to the Problem of Climate Change

The International Climate Regime and Its Driving Forces Obstacles and Chances on the Way to a Global Response to the Problem of Climate Change

The greenhouse effect is a vital process which is responsible for the heat on the earth?s surface. By consuming fossil fuels, clearing forests etc. humans aggravate this natural process. As additionally trapped heat exceeds the earth?s intake capacity this consequently leads to global warming. The current concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere is already 30% higher compared to pre-industrial levels and unmanaged this development is likely to result in an increase of up to 6.4ø C towards the end of the century. Especially the poorest regions of the world are facing a double inequity as they a) will be hit earliest and hardest by the adverse impacts of climate change, and b) are least responsible for the stock of current concentrations in the atmosphere. Seeing this the application of the precautionary principle telling us ?to better be safe than sorry? appears to be imperative and makes traditional cost-benefit analysis become obsolete. Thus combating global warming has become one of the most important issues facing the world in the 21st century. The international climate regime is the main platform to further cooperation between nations and to tackle this problem. Since the first world climate conference in 1979 the international community of states pursues the goal of stabilizing greenhouse gas emissions. In 2009, the 15th COP of the UNFCCC aimed at achieving the final breakthrough with regard to framing new long-term mitigation commitments. However, the regime theory tells us that states behave as rational egoists and solely follow selfishly defined interests to maximize own profits. So it not only has to be assumed that just states with a favourable benefit-cost ratio will take the role of a ?pusher? in international climate negotiations but also that powerful states are more likely to reach a favourable outcome. Indeed the highly ineffective Kyoto Protocol, which amongst others had to deal with the exit of the United States, the creation of ?hot air? reductions and an overall lack of compliance incentives, has already shown the difficulties of creating an effective climate regime. In Copenhagen it became obvious that influential actors still do not seem to have an interest to significantly change their energy consumption patterns in order to reduce emissions. The majority of developing countries, politically prioritize the protection of their economic development which heavily depends on the use of cheap energy from fossil fuels. Especially China by no means intends to cut its impressive GDP growth figures to please international crowds. Meanwhile the hands of the US President on the international stage were once again tied by domestic restrictions. However, although it seemed that the long prevailing differences of interests between industrial and developing countries are more than ever insuperable, there is hope. A ?global race? towards renewable energy and related jobs has already started. Nations and international corporations are positioning themselves to take advantage of the inevitable transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources. This could be the starting point for a sustainable bottom-up policy architecture on the international level replacing the current top-down approach.

The Oxford Handbook of Climate Change and Society

The Oxford Handbook of Climate Change and Society

The Oxford Handbook of Climate Change and Society

A systematic examination by the best writers in a variety of fields working on issues of how climate change affects society, and how social, economic, and political systems can, do, and should respond.